Obama's Muslim Speech In Cairo (Full Text)

乜哥發表於 2009-6-5 15:52:58

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT ON A NEW BEGINNING Cairo University Cairo, Egypt 1:10 P.M. (Local) PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you very much.  Good afternoon.  I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions.  For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning; and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement.  And together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress.  I'm grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt.  And I'm also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country:  Assalaamu alaykum. (Applause.) We meet at a time of great tension between the United States and Muslims around the world -- tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate.  The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of coexistence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars.  More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations.  Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam. Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims.  The attacks of September 11, 2001 and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights.  All this has bred more fear and more mistrust. So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, those who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity.  And this cycle of suspicion and discord must end. I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world, one based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive and need not be in competition.  Instead, they overlap, and share common principles -- principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the dignity of all human beings. I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight.  I know there's been a lot of publicity about this speech, but no single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have this afternoon all the complex questions that brought us to this point.  But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly to each other the things we hold in our hearts and that too often are said only behind closed doors.  There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to respect one another; and to seek common ground.  As the Holy Koran tells us, "Be conscious of God and speak always the truth."   (Applause.)  That is what I will try to do today -- to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart. Now part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I'm a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims.  As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and at the fall of dusk.  As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith. As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam.  It was Islam -- at places like Al-Azhar -- that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment.  It was innovation in Muslim communities -- (applause) -- it was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed.  Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation.  And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality.  (Applause.) I also know that Islam has always been a part of America's story.  The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco.  In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President, John Adams, wrote, "The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims."  And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States.  They have fought in our wars, they have served in our government, they have stood for civil rights, they have started businesses, they have taught at our universities, they've excelled in our sports arenas, they've won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch.  And when the first Muslim American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers -- Thomas Jefferson -- kept in his personal library.  (Applause.) So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed.  That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't.  And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear. (Applause.) But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America.  (Applause.)  Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire.  The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known.  We were born out of revolution against an empire.  We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words -- within our borders, and around the world.  We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept:  E pluribus unum -- "Out of many, one."  Now, much has been made of the fact that an African American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President.  (Applause.)  But my personal story is not so unique.  The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores -- and that includes nearly 7 million American Muslims in our country today who, by the way, enjoy incomes and educational levels that are higher than the American average.  (Applause.) Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion.  That is why there is a mosque in every state in our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders.  That's why the United States government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab and to punish those who would deny it.  (Applause.) So let there be no doubt:  Islam is a part of America.  And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirations -- to live in peace and security; to get an education and to work with dignity; to love our families, our communities, and our God.  These things we share.  This is the hope of all humanity. Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task.  Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people.  These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead; and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us all. For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere.  When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk.  When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations.  When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean.  When innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience.  (Applause.)  That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century.  That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings. And this is a difficult responsibility to embrace.  For human history has often been a record of nations and tribes -- and, yes, religions -- subjugating one another in pursuit of their own interests.  Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating.  Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail.  So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners to it.  Our problems must be dealt with through partnership; our progress must be shared.  (Applause.) Now, that does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests the opposite:  We must face these tensions squarely.  And so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and as plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together. The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms. In Ankara, I made clear that America is not -- and never will be -- at war with Islam.  (Applause.)  We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security -- because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject:  the killing of innocent men, women, and children.  And it is my first duty as President to protect the American people. The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work together.  Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with broad international support.  We did not go by choice; we went because of necessity. I'm aware that there's still some who would question or even justify the events of 9/11.  But let us be clear:  Al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day.  The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody.  And yet al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale.  They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach.  These are not opinions to be debated; these are facts to be dealt with. Now, make no mistake:  We do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan.  We see no military -- we seek no military bases there.  It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women.  It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict.  We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and now Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can.  But that is not yet the case. And that's why we're partnering with a coalition of 46 countries.  And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken.  Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists.  They have killed in many countries.  They have killed people of different faiths -- but more than any other, they have killed Muslims.  Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam.  The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent is as -- it is as if he has killed all mankind.  (Applause.)  And the Holy Koran also says whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind.  (Applause.)  The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism -- it is an important part of promoting peace. Now, we also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan.  That's why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who've been displaced.  That's why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend on. Let me also address the issue of Iraq.  Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world.  Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible.  (Applause.)  Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said:  "I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be." Today, America has a dual responsibility:  to help Iraq forge a better future -- and to leave Iraq to Iraqis.  And I have made it clear to the Iraqi people -- (applause) -- I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources.  Iraq's sovereignty is its own. And that's why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August.  That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all of our troops from Iraq by 2012.  (Applause.)  We will help Iraq train its security forces and develop its economy.  But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron. And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter or forget our principles.  Nine-eleven was an enormous trauma to our country.  The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our traditions and our ideals.  We are taking concrete actions to change course.  I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year.  (Applause.) So America will defend itself, respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law.  And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened.  The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer. The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world. America's strong bonds with Israel are well known.  This bond is unbreakable.  It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied. Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust.  Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich.  Six million Jews were killed -- more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today.  Denying that fact is baseless, it is ignorant, and it is hateful.  Threatening Israel with destruction -- or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews -- is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve. On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people -- Muslims and Christians -- have suffered in pursuit of a homeland.  For more than 60 years they've endured the pain of dislocation.  Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead.  They endure the daily humiliations -- large and small -- that come with occupation.  So let there be no doubt:  The situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable.  And America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own.  (Applause.) For decades then, there has been a stalemate:  two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive.  It's easy to point fingers -- for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought about by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond.  But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth:  The only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security.  (Applause.) That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest.  And that is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience and dedication that the task requires.  (Applause.)  The obligations -- the obligations that the parties have agreed to under the road map are clear.  For peace to come, it is time for them -- and all of us -- to live up to our responsibilities. Palestinians must abandon violence.  Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and it does not succeed.  For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation.  But it was not violence that won full and equal rights.  It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding.  This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia.  It's a story with a simple truth:  that violence is a dead end.  It is a sign neither of courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus.  That's not how moral authority is claimed; that's how it is surrendered. Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build.  The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have to recognize they have responsibilities.  To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, recognize Israel's right to exist. At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's.  The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements.  (Applause.)  This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace.  It is time for these settlements to stop.  (Applause.) And Israel must also live up to its obligation to ensure that Palestinians can live and work and develop their society.  Just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be a critical part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress. And finally, the Arab states must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities.  The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems.  Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state, to recognize Israel's legitimacy, and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past. America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and we will say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs.  (Applause.)  We cannot impose peace.  But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away.  Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state.  It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true. Too many tears have been shed.  Too much blood has been shed.  All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land of the three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra -- (applause) -- as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed, peace be upon them, joined in prayer.  (Applause.) The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons. This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran.  For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is in fact a tumultuous history between us.  In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically elected Iranian government.  Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against U.S. troops and civilians.  This history is well known.  Rather than remain trapped in the past, I've made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward.  The question now is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build. I recognize it will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude, and resolve.  There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect.  But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point.  This is not simply about America's interests.  It's about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path. I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not.  No single nation should pick and choose which nation holds nuclear weapons.  And that's why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons.  (Applause.)  And any nation -- including Iran -- should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.  That commitment is at the core of the treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I'm hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal. The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.  (Applause.) I know -- I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq.  So let me be clear: No system of government can or should be imposed by one nation by any other.   That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people.  Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people.  America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election.  But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things:  the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose.  These are not just American ideas; they are human rights.  And that is why we will support them everywhere.  (Applause.) Now, there is no straight line to realize this promise.  But this much is clear:  Governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure.  Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away.  America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them.  And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments -- provided they govern with respect for all their people. This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they're out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others.  (Applause.)  So no matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who would hold power:  You must maintain your power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party.  Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy. AUDIENCE MEMBER:  Barack Obama, we love you! PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you.  (Applause.)  The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom. Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance.  We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition.  I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country.  That is the spirit we need today.  People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind and the heart and the soul.  This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it's being challenged in many different ways. Among some Muslims, there's a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of somebody else's faith.  The richness of religious diversity must be upheld -- whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt.  (Applause.)  And if we are being honest, fault lines must be closed among Muslims, as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq. Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together.  We must always examine the ways in which we protect it.  For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation.  That's why I'm committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat. Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit -- for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear.  We can't disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism.   In fact, faith should bring us together.  And that's why we're forging service projects in America to bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews.  That's why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations.  Around the world, we can turn dialogue into interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action -- whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster. The sixth issue -- the sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights.  (Applause.)  I know –- I know -- and you can tell from this audience, that there is a healthy debate about this issue.  I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality.  (Applause.)  And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well educated are far more likely to be prosperous. Now, let me be clear:  Issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam.  In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, we've seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead.  Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world. I am convinced that our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons.  (Applause.)  Our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity -- men and women -- to reach their full potential.  I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice.  And that is why the United States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live their dreams.  (Applause.) Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity. I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory.  The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence into the home.  Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and change in communities.  In all nations -- including America -- this change can bring fear.  Fear that because of modernity we lose control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities -- those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith. But I also know that human progress cannot be denied.  There need not be contradictions between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies enormously while maintaining distinct cultures.  The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai.  In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education. And this is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work.  Many Gulf states have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development.  But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century -- (applause) -- and in too many Muslim communities, there remains underinvestment in these areas.  I'm emphasizing such investment within my own country.  And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas when it comes to this part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement. On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America.  (Applause.)  At the same time, we will encourage more Americans to study in Muslim communities.  And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America; invest in online learning for teachers and children around the world; and create a new online network, so a young person in Kansas can communicate instantly with a young person in Cairo. On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries.  And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world. On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create more jobs.  We'll open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new science envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, grow new crops.  Today I'm announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio.  And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health. All these things must be done in partnership.  Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life. The issues that I have described will not be easy to address.  But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world that we seek -- a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected.  Those are mutual interests.  That is the world we seek.  But we can only achieve it together. I know there are many -- Muslim and non-Muslim -- who question whether we can forge this new beginning.  Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress.  Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort -- that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur.  There's so much fear, so much mistrust that has built up over the years.  But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward.  And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country -- you, more than anyone, have the ability to reimagine the world, to remake this world. All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort -- a sustained effort -- to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings. It's easier to start wars than to end them.  It's easier to blame others than to look inward.  It's easier to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share.   But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path.  There's one rule that lies at the heart of every religion -- that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.  (Applause.)  This truth transcends nations and peoples -- a belief that isn't new; that isn't black or white or brown; that isn't Christian or Muslim or Jew.  It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the hearts of billions around the world.   It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today. We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written. The Holy Koran tells us:  "O mankind!  We have created you male and a female; and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another." The Talmud tells us:  "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace." The Holy Bible tells us:  "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God."  (Applause.) The people of the world can live together in peace.  We know that is God's vision.  Now that must be our work here on Earth. Thank you.  And may God's peace be upon you.  Thank you very much.  Thank you.  (Applause.) END        2:05 P.M. (Local) 

[ 本帖最後由乜哥於 2009-6-5 20:01 編輯 ]

乜哥發表於 2009-6-5 16:06:04

呢篇演講嘅中文版，喺白宮官方網站有得下載： http://www.whitehouse.gov/blog/newbeginning/transcripts/

광동왕국-08 發表於 2009-6-9 20:29:17

A BRIEF COMMENT

No doubt, Obama did a good job !
<?xml:namespace prefix = o ns = "urn:schemas-microsoft-com<img src=" /><o:p> </o:p>
He developed a friendship to Muslim Countries initially, and to push <?xml:namespace prefix = st1 ns = "urn:schemas-microsoft-com<img src=" /><st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Israel</st1:place></st1:country-region> and the Arabian countries sitting on a desk for a peace talk.<IMG alt="" src="http://bbs.cantonese.asia/images/smilies/default/handshake.gif" border=0 smilieid="17"> <o:p></o:p>
 
He had started to reform the economical system, and re-arrange the financial mechanism  <o:p></o:p>
US now is getting into a severed dilemma, she faces to many aspects and some problems which cannot be easily solved <o:p></o:p>
<o:p> </o:p>
Economics<o:p></o:p>
<o:p> </o:p>
Since the Lehman brothers had bankrupts, it needed 100.000.000.000 dollars to be recovered; it also brings the economic disaster to the global financial accounts, then coming up an index of jobless rising up to cause the society unstable.<o:p></o:p>
So, the first thing to do is to salvage the big recession like in 1929<o:p></o:p>
<o:p> </o:p>
Politics
<o:p> </o:p>
Due to the economic crisis not coming to an end , US has not enough financial support to expend their military powers over the world, she need to quit the troops from <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Iraq</st1:country-region></st1:place>.<o:p></o:p>
<o:p> </o:p>
<o:p> </o:p>
Remarks:<o:p></o:p>
<o:p> </o:p>
<SPAN lang=EN-US style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt; FONT-FAMILY: 'Times New Roman'; mso-fareast-language: ZH-HK; mso-fareast-font-family: 新細明體; mso-font-kerning: 1.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA">My message is a very simple comment, should you have any suggestions, ideas, or opinions, please feedback as you like  
<SPAN lang=EN-US style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt; FONT-FAMILY: 'Times New Roman'; mso-fareast-language: ZH-HK; mso-fareast-font-family: 新細明體; mso-font-kerning: 1.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA"> 
<SPAN lang=EN-US style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt; FONT-FAMILY: 'Times New Roman'; mso-fareast-language: ZH-HK; mso-fareast-font-family: 新細明體; mso-font-kerning: 1.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA"> 
<SPAN lang=EN-US style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt; FONT-FAMILY: 'Times New Roman'; mso-fareast-language: ZH-HK; mso-fareast-font-family: 新細明體; mso-font-kerning: 1.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA"> 
<SPAN lang=EN-US style="FONT-SIZE: 12pt; FONT-FAMILY: 'Times New Roman'; mso-fareast-language: ZH-HK; mso-fareast-font-family: 新細明體; mso-font-kerning: 1.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA"> 

[ 本帖最後由 광동왕국-08 於 2009-6-10 11:18 編輯 ]

canton_rights 發表於 2009-7-6 22:15:07

奧巴馬總統在埃及開羅大學講話全文   美國總統巴拉克·奧巴馬6月4日在埃及開羅大學發表講話，闡明美國致力於尋求與穆斯林國家關係的新開端。以下是講話文字記錄中譯文，由美國國際信息局（IIP）翻譯。 ----------------- (講話文字記錄開始) 白宮新聞秘書辦公室 （埃及開羅） 2009年6月4日 ----------------- 奧巴馬總統談新的開端 (Remarks by the President on A New Beginning) 埃及開羅大學（Cairo University） 2009年6月4日當地時間下午1時10分 奧巴馬總統：非常感謝你們。下午好。我榮幸地來到永恒的開羅古城，榮幸地受到兩所著名學府的邀請。愛資哈爾(Al-Azhar)一千多年來一直是一座伊斯蘭學術的燈塔，開羅大學(Cairo University)一百多年來一直是埃及發展的源泉。你們併肩而立，象徵著傳統與進步的和諧共進。我對你們的盛情邀請，對埃及人民的盛情邀請表示感謝。我也自豪地帶來美國人民的友好情誼，帶來我國穆斯林民眾的平安問候：「Assalaamu alaykum.」（"願你平安。"）   我們相聚在美國和穆斯林世界之間關係十分緊張的時期──這種緊張關係的歷史根源遠遠超出了當前的任何政策辯論。伊斯蘭教與西方世界之間的關係史既包括好幾個世紀的共存與合作，也包括衝突和宗教戰爭。在近代，剝奪眾多穆斯林權利和機會的殖民主義，以及穆斯林佔主體的國家往往被視為傀儡、對其自身意願鮮有顧及的冷戰，加劇了這種緊張。此外，現代化和全球化帶來的巨大變化致使很多穆斯林將西方視為伊斯蘭傳統的敵人。   暴力極端主義分子利用這種緊張關係煽動穆斯林世界為數不多但很有影響的少數派。9.11襲擊事件以及這些極端主義分子不斷對平民百姓采用暴力的行徑使得我們國家中的一些人認為，伊斯蘭教注定不僅與美國和西方國家，而且與人權為敵。所有這一切導致滋生出更多的恐懼，更多的不信任。   衹要我們之間的關係定位於我們的分歧，我們就會讓那些播種仇恨而不是和平，宣揚衝突而不是合作的人得勢，而合作會幫助將正義與繁榮帶給所有人。我們必須打破這種懷疑與不和的惡性循環。  我來到這裏是要在美國和穆斯林世界之間尋求一種以共同利益和相互尊重為基點的新開端──基於美國和伊斯蘭教並不相互排斥、不必相互競爭的真情。不僅如此，它們相互重合，擁有一些共同原則──公正與進步的原則；容忍與全人類都有尊嚴的原則。   我認識到，變化不會發生於一夜之間。一次講話不可能排除多年來的不信任，我也不可能在我有限的時間裏應答迄今擺到我們面前的所有複雜問題。但是我深信，為了向前推進，我們必須公開說出內心深處的話，但我們往往關起門來才說這些話。這必須成為相互傾聽、相互學習、相互尊重並尋求共同之處的持久努力。《古蘭經》(Holy Koran)教誨我們："明記真主，永吐真言。"這就是我將在今天努力做到的──盡最大努力說實話，兢兢業業面對使命，堅信我們同為人類的共同利益遠比給我們造成隔閡的力量強大得多。   這種信念一部分來源於我個人的經歷。我是基督教徒。我父親來自肯尼亞一個數代穆斯林家庭。我小時候在印度尼西亞生活過幾年，聽到過宣禮塔在破曉和日落時刻的召喚。我年輕時在芝加哥的社區工作，那裏有很多人從他們的穆斯林信仰中找到了尊嚴與安寧。   作為一個研讀歷史的人，我還知道伊斯蘭教對文明的重大貢獻。正是伊斯蘭教──在愛資哈爾這樣的地方──讓學術之光照亮了一個又一個世紀，為歐洲的文藝復興和啟蒙運動鋪平了道路。穆斯林群體不斷創新，發明瞭代數學；磁性羅盤儀和導航工具；掌握了書寫與印刷術；使我們瞭解了疾病的傳播與治療方式。伊斯蘭文化為我們創造了雄偉的拱頂和高聳的尖塔；永恒的詩篇和美妙的音樂；遒勁的書法和瞑思靜想之所。縱觀歷史，伊斯蘭教以言詞和行動揭示了宗教容忍與種族平等的可能。   我也知道，伊斯蘭教一直是美國曆程的一個組成部分。第一個承認我的國家的是摩洛哥。我國第二任總統約翰·亞當斯(John Adams)在1796年簽署《的黎波裏條約》(Treaty of Tripoli)時寫道，"美國自身對穆斯林的法律、宗教或安寧絕無任何敵意"。自我國建國以來，美國穆斯林使美國豐富多姿。他們為國作戰，擔任公職，為民權奮鬥，創辦企業，在高等院校任教，在體育場上出類拔萃，贏得諾貝爾獎，建造我國最高建築，點燃奧林匹克火炬。當第一位當選國會議員的美國穆斯林在宣誓捍衛我國憲法時，他手撫的是來自我國建國先父之一──托馬斯·傑斐遜(Thomas Jefferson)··私人圖書館藏書的那本《古蘭經》。   因此，在來到伊斯蘭教的最初降示之地以前，我已經在三大洲瞭解了伊斯蘭教。這段經歷使我確信不疑，美國和伊斯蘭教的夥伴關係必須基於真實的伊斯蘭教，而不是那些不實之詞。身為美國總統，我認為我的職責之一是隨時駁斥對伊斯蘭教的消極成見。   然而，同樣的原則也必須適用於穆斯林對美國的態度。就像穆斯林不是一個模子裏刻出來的一樣，美國也不能被用妄自尊大的帝國模子定型。美國是世界歷來所知的最偉大的發展源泉之一。我的國家是在反抗一個帝國的鬥爭中誕生的。我們的建國理念是人人平等。幾個世紀以來，我們不惜流血奮鬥，實現那些話的含義──在我國國內，以及在世界各地。我們受到來自地球四面八方的各種文化的影響，但篤信一個簡單的理念：合眾為一(E pluribus unum)。   對一個名叫巴拉克·侯賽因·奧巴馬的非洲裔美國人能夠當選美國總統這一點已經議論繁多。但我的個人經歷並不是那麼獨特。雖然人人都有機會的這個理想還沒有在美國每一個人身上實現，但對於登陸我國的所有人來說，這個希望是存在的──其中包括屬於我國今天80多個族裔群體的近700萬美國穆斯林。實際上，美國穆斯林的收入及教育水平超過了我國的平均線。   而且，美國的自由與信奉宗教的自由密不可分。這就是為什麼清真寺遍及我們合眾國的每個州，在我們境內有著1200多座清真寺。這就是為什麼美國政府為保護婦女和女童戴頭巾的權利和為了懲罰那些想剝奪這項權利的人而訴諸司法手段。   所以，毋庸置疑：伊斯蘭是美國的一部分。我認為美國自身堅信這樣一個真理：我們大家，無論種族、宗教或生活地位，都有著共同的理想──和平安全地生活；受教育和有尊嚴地工作；熱愛我們的家庭、我們的社區、我們的神主。這些是我們共享的東西。它是全人類的希望。   當然，認識到我們共同的人性還衹是我們使命的開始。僅憑言語無法滿足我們人民的需要。要做到滿足這些需要，我們必須在今後的年月裏大膽行動，我們必須理解，全世界人民面臨的種種挑戰是共同的，不能應對這些挑戰將使我們所有人受害。   我們已經懂得，當一個國家的金融體系衰弱時，世界各地的繁榮都受損害。當一種新流感感染了一個人時，對所有人都有威脅。當一個國家尋求核武器時，所有國家都面臨核襲擊的更大危害。當暴力極端分子在一個山區活動時，大洋彼岸的人受到威脅。當波斯尼亞和達爾富爾無辜的人民遭屠殺時，它給我們大家的良心留下污點。這就是在21世紀共享世界的含義。這就是我們作為人類相互具有的責任。 這是一項艱難的責任；人類的歷史常常是國家、部落甚至宗教為自身利益征服他方的歷史。然而，在這個新時代，那種心態是自我消損。任何旨在讓某一國家或某一群體提高地位的世界秩序都將注定失敗。因此，無論我們如何看待過去，我們絕不成為它的俘虜。我們的種種問題必須通過合作方式來處理，我們必須分享進步。   這並不意味著我們應忽視緊張關係的來源。恰恰相反，它需要我們必須嚴正面對。本著這一精神，請讓我盡力明確和直率地談談某些我認為我們最終必須共同面對的具體問題。   我們必須面對的第一個問題是一切形式的極端主義。   我在安卡拉明確表示，美國並非──也絕不會──與伊斯蘭教交戰。但我們會無情抗擊對我國安全構成嚴重威脅的暴力極端主義分子。因為我們絕不接受所有宗教的信眾都會拒絕的同樣的行為：殺害無辜的男子、婦女和兒童。保護美國人民的安全是我作為總統的首要職責。   阿富汗的形勢既說明了美國的目標，也說明我們必須進行合作。7年多前，美國在廣泛的國際支持下追剿「基地」組織和塔利班。我們毫無選擇的餘地，因為我們必須這樣做。我知道，有人仍對9.11事件有疑問或為其找藉口。但我們必須清楚地認識到：2001年9月11日，「基地」組織殺害了將近3000人，受害者是美國和許多其他國家的無辜男子、婦女和兒童，他們未曾傷害任何人。他們與「基地」組織政治上的嫌怨或仇恨意識形態毫不相干。然而，「基地」組織蓄意殘忍地殺害了這些人，聲稱這一襲擊行動系其所為，並一再表明打算再次進行大規模屠殺的狼子野心。他們在很多國家都有同夥，並企圖擴大他們的影響。這些都不是可以辯論的看法問題，而是必須正視的事實。   不要有任何誤解：我們不希望保持在阿富汗的駐軍。我們不在阿富汗尋求軍事基地。失去我國青年男女的生命是美國十分痛苦的事。繼續這場衝突要付出昂貴的代價，在政治上也是困難的決定。一旦我們可以確定在阿富汗和巴基斯坦已經不存在要儘可能多地殺害美國人的喪心病狂的暴力極端主義分子，我們會很高興地撤回每一名美軍士兵。但目前還不是這種情況。   因此我們在與46個國家結成合作聯盟。儘管需要付出代價，美國的決心不會減弱。的確，我們任何人都不應容忍這些極端主義分子。他們在很多國家殺人。他們殺害了持有各種宗教信仰的人──殺害最多的是穆斯林。他們的行為與人類的權利、國家的進步和伊斯蘭教的教義是不相容的。《古蘭經》教導說，誰殺害一個無辜者就好比殺害了整個人類；《古蘭經》還說，誰拯救了一個人就好比拯救了整個人類。有超過10億人口的這一永恒信仰之宏大是一小撮人狹隘的仇恨之心無法比擬的。我知道，在打擊暴力極端主義的鬥爭中，伊斯蘭教並不是一個問題──伊斯蘭教必須是解決問題的途徑之一。   我們也知道，僅憑軍事力量無法解決阿富汗和巴基斯坦的問題。正是因為這個原因，我們打算在今後5年內每年投入15億美元，與巴基斯坦合作建造學校、醫院、道路和企業，另投資1.7億美元幫助流離失所的人。也正是因為這個原因，我們提供超過28億美元幫助阿富汗人發展經濟和提供人民賴以生存的服務。   我再來談談伊拉克問題。不同於阿富汗的是，伊拉克戰爭是一場可以選擇不打的戰爭，在美國國內和國際上引起了巨大分歧。雖然我相信沒有薩達姆·侯賽因的暴虐政權，伊拉克人民最終會獲益良多，但我也相信，伊拉克發生的事件提醒我們，有必要通過外交手段和建立國際共識解決我們的問題。確實，我們可以回想一下托馬斯·傑斐遜曾經說過的話：「我希望我們的智慧會隨我們的力量而增長，並告誡我們，我們的力量使用得越少，它就越有力。」   今天，美國承擔著雙重責任：幫助伊拉克人打造更美好的未來，同時要將伊拉克交給伊拉克人。我明確地向伊拉克人民表示，我們不尋求基地，對領土或資源沒有要求。伊拉克的主權屬於伊拉克自己。正是出於這個原因，我已下令在明年8月前撤出我們的作戰部隊。也正是出於這個原因，我們將履行與伊拉克民選政府達成的協議，在7月前從伊拉克城市撤出作戰部隊，在2012年年底前將所有的部隊撤出伊拉克。我們將幫助伊拉克訓練安全部隊和發展經濟。但我們是以夥伴的身份，而絕不是以保護人的身份支持伊拉克的安全與統一。   最後，美國絕不能容忍極端主義分子的暴力，同樣我們也絕不能改變或忘記我們的原則。9.11事件給我國造成了巨大的創傷。這一事件引起的憂懼和憤怒是可以理解的，但在某些情況下，這一事件也使我們采取了與我們的傳統和理想相悖的行動。我們正在采取具體行動改變路線。我明確禁止美國使用酷刑，我已下令明年初關閉關塔納摩灣監獄。 因此，美國將進行自衛，同時尊重其他國家的主權和法治。我們在這樣做的時候，將與同樣受到威脅的穆斯林社區結成夥伴。早一天使極端主義分子在穆斯林社區受到孤立和喪失人心，我們就能早一天獲得更大的安全。   我將討論的緊張關係的第二大根源是以色列人、巴勒斯坦人和阿拉伯世界之間的局勢。   美國與以色列之間的牢固關係眾所周知。這種關係堅不可摧。它基於文化和歷史的紐帶以及這樣一個認識：對猶太家園的渴望有著一個悲哀的歷史源頭，這個歷史是無可否認的。   猶太人在世界各地經受了很多世紀的迫害，反猶太主義被前所未有的大屠殺推到頂峰。明天，我將參觀布痕瓦爾德，那裏曾是猶太人遭受納粹奴役、折磨、殺害和被毒氣致死的集中營之一。600萬猶太人慘遭殺害──這超過了今天以色列的全部猶太人口。否認這一事實是站不住腳的，無知的，仇視性的。威脅毀滅以色列──或不斷重複有關猶太人的惡意成見──是極其錯誤的，而且只會在以色列人心目中喚起這一最痛苦的記憶，同時阻礙這個地區人民應得的和平。   然而，同樣不能否認的是，巴勒斯坦人民──穆斯林和基督徒──在尋找家園的過程中歷經苦難。60多年以來，他們承受了流離失所的痛苦。許多人在西岸、加沙以及鄰國土地的難民營裏等待著他們從不曾過上的和平與穩定的生活。他們每天忍受著由佔領帶來的大大小小的羞辱。所以，毋庸置疑：巴勒斯坦人民的境況是不能容忍的。美國對巴勒斯坦人追求尊嚴、機會和自身國家的合理抱負不會置之不理。   幾十年來，一直存在著一種僵持局面：有著合理追求的兩族人民，因各自的痛苦歷史而使妥協可望不可及。相互指責並不難——巴勒斯坦人指責由以色列建國而造成的流離失所，以色列人指責貫穿其全部歷史的來自境內外的敵意和襲擊。然而，如果我們僅僅從一方或另一方來看待這一衝突，我們將無視事實：實現雙方願望的惟一出路是以色列人和巴勒斯坦人和平安全共存的兩國解決方案。這符合以色列的利益，符合巴勒斯坦的利益，符合美國的利益，符合世界的利益。因此我將親自致力於取得這一結果。各方根據「路線圖」已同意承擔的義務是明確的。為了實現和平，現在是他們──以及我們各方──應該履行自己職責的時候了。   巴勒斯坦人必須放棄暴力。暴力抵抗和屠殺不能達到目的。在幾個世紀裏，美國黑人奴隸遭鞭打，受種族隔離的凌辱。然而，最終導致獲得全面平等權利的不是暴力，而是對美國建國核心理想的和平與執著的堅持。同樣的經歷也可在從南非到南亞，從東歐到印度尼西亞的其他國家人民的歷史中看到。這個經歷揭示了一個簡單的真理：暴力是死路一條。向睡夢中的以色列兒童發射火箭炮或炸死公共汽車上的老嫗，既非膽識也非力量的表現。它不是在申明道義權威，而是在喪失道義權威。   現在是巴勒斯坦人致力於如何進行建設的時候了。巴勒斯坦權力機構必須發展治理能力，建立為人民的需求服務的機製。「哈馬斯」確實在一些巴勒斯坦人中擁有支持，但他們也有責任。要為實現巴勒斯坦的抱負而發揮作用，「哈馬斯」就必須停止過去的暴力，遵守過去的協議，承認以色列的生存權。   與此同時，以色列人必須意識到，正如以色列的生存權不能被剝奪一樣，巴勒斯坦的生存權也不能被剝奪。美國不接受以色列繼續建造定居點的合法性。這一做法違反了過去的協議，有損實現和平的努力。現在是停止這些定居點的時候了。   以色列也必須履行其義務，確保巴勒斯坦人能夠生活、工作、建設其社會。正如摧毀巴勒斯坦人的家庭一樣，加沙持續的人道危機無益於以色列的安全，西岸缺乏機會也同樣如此。巴勒斯坦人民日常生活的改善必須是通向和平之路的一個關鍵部分。   最後，阿拉伯國家必須認識到，阿拉伯和平倡議（Arab Peace Initiative）是一個重要的開端，而不是責任的終止。阿-以衝突決不應再被用來轉移阿拉伯國家人民對其他問題的視線。相反，它應成為一個行動的號召，幫助巴勒斯坦人民發展維繫國家的機製；承認以色列的合法性；選擇進步，而不是自我消耗地向後看。   美國將使我們的政策與追求和平者的政策協調一致。無論在公開場合還是非公開場合，我們將對以色列人、巴勒斯坦人和阿拉伯人說同樣的話。我們不能把和平強加於人。但是，在非公開場合，許多穆斯林承認以色列不會消失。同樣，許多以色列人也承認建立巴勒斯坦國的必要性。時不我待，我們必須基於人所共知的事實行動起來。   眼淚已流得太久；鮮血已灑得太多。我們大家都有責任為這樣一天的到來而奮鬥，那就是：以色列和巴勒斯坦的母親能夠看到自己的孩子毫無恐懼地長大，三大信仰的聖地(Holy Land)成為天意屬望的和平之地，耶路撒冷是猶太人、基督徒和穆斯林的安全和永久的家園，並像伊斯拉(ISRA)故事中摩西、耶穌和穆罕默德(頌安)共同祈禱那樣，成為亞伯拉罕所有子孫和平相處的地方。   第三個造成緊張關係的原因涉及國家在核武器問題上的權利和責任，對此，我們必須達成共識。   這個問題是美國與伊朗伊斯蘭共和國之間關係緊張的一個根源。多年來，伊朗在某種程度上用它與我的國家的對立來給其自身定位。伊朗與美國之間確實有著坎坷的歷史。在冷戰期間，美國對伊朗的民選政府被推翻起了作用。自伊斯蘭革命以來，伊朗在劫持人質和對美軍及平民發動的暴力事件中扮演了角色。這一歷史眾所周知。我沒有選擇自陷於過去，我已經向伊朗領導人和伊朗人民表明，我國已做好向前邁步的準備。對於伊朗而言，現在的問題不在於反對什麼，而在於它希望建設什麼樣的未來。   消除數十年的不信任決非易事，但是我們有勇氣、有正氣、有決心向前邁進。我們兩國之間有許多問題有待商討，我們願意在沒有先決條件的情況下基於相互尊重向前邁進。但是，有關各方都很清楚，在核武器方面我們已經處在一個決定性關頭。它所關係到的不單純是美國的利益，而是為了阻止一場可能會使中東地區和全世界走上一條極其危險的道路的核武器競賽。   我理解有些人針對一些國家擁有核武器而其他國家沒有核武器而提出的抗議。任何一個國家都不應挑選哪些國家可以擁有核武器。因此，我堅決重申，美國承諾爭取建立一個任何國家都不擁有核武器的世界。任何一個國家——包括伊朗——如果它履行對《不擴散核武器條約》(Non-Proliferation Treaty)承擔的責任，就應當有權獲取用於和平目的的核能源。這一承諾是這項條約的核心，應為條約各方全面遵守。我希望這個地區的所有國家都支持這一目標。   我要講的第四個題目是民主。   我知道，近幾年來在推進民主方面存在爭議，而且許多爭議與伊拉克戰爭有關。所以，我要明確表示：沒有任何一種政府體制能夠或應該被一個國家強加給另一個國家。   但是，我並不因此而減少我對代表人民意願的政府的承諾。每個國家以植根於本國人民傳統的各自方式給這一原則賦予生命力。美國並不自認知道什麼是對所有人最為有益的做法，正如我們不會主觀選擇和平選舉的結果一樣。但是我確實堅信，某些東西是所有人都渴望的：能夠暢所欲言並對自己被管理的方式有發言權；對法治和司法公正有信心；政府施政透明，不盜竊人民財富；以及有自由按自己選擇的方式生活等。這些不是美國人的發明，這些是人的權利，因此美國在各地都支持這些權利。   實現這一諾言沒有直線可循，但是有一點是明確的：保護這些權利的政府最終會更穩定、更成功、更安全。壓制思想決不會讓這些思想消失。美國尊重世界各地一切和平、守法人士的發言權，即使我們與他們意見不一。我們將歡迎所有民選的和平政府——衹要這些政府在施政時尊重本國人民。   最後一點很重要，因為有些人衹是在不當政時呼吁民主，一旦大權在握，他們就殘暴壓制他人的權利。無論植根於何處，民有和民治的政府為所有當權者設定了一個標準：你必須通過人民的許可保持權力，而不是采用強迫手段；你必須尊重少數派的權利，本著寬容和妥協的精神參與；你必須把人民的利益以及合法的政治程序置於自己的政黨利益之上。沒有這些要素，單憑選舉無法實現真正的民主。 我們必須共同解決的第五個問題是宗教自由問題。   伊斯蘭教擁有值得自豪的寬容的傳統。這一點我們在宗教法庭時期安達魯西亞（Andalusia）和科爾多瓦（Cordoba）的歷史上看得很清楚。我童年時在印度尼西亞親眼所見，在這個穆斯林佔人口絕大多數的國家，虔誠的基督教徒可以自由地從事禮拜活動。這種精神是我們今天所需要的。每一個國家的人民都應能聽從自己的思想、感情和靈魂的驅使，自由地選擇宗教信仰和過自己的宗教生活──無論他們選擇的是何種宗教。這種寬容精神對宗教的興旺是必不可少的，但現在受到了來自多方面的挑戰。   在某些穆斯林中，有一種令人不安的傾向：通過排斥他人的信仰來顯示對自己的信仰之忠誠。豐富的宗教多樣性必須得到維護──無論是黎巴嫩的馬龍派教徒(Maronites)還是埃及的科普特教會成員(Copts)。另外，如果我們能夠誠實地對待這個問題，穆斯林內部的裂隙也必須彌合，因為遜尼派和什葉派的分歧在某些地方已導致悲慘的暴力，特別是在伊拉克。   宗教自由對各族人民能否和睦相處至關重要。我們必須經常認真地考慮我們保護宗教自由的方式。例如，在美國，有關慈善捐款的規定加大了穆斯林履行宗教捐助義務的難度。為此，我承諾與美國穆斯林共同努力，以確保他們能夠施行天課（zakat）。   同樣，西方國家必須避免妨礙穆斯林公民按照自己的意願從事宗教活動—例如，不能對穆斯林婦女的著裝進行強制規定。我們不能以自由主義為幌子敵視任何宗教。 的確，信仰應有助於我們休戚與共。因此，我們正在美國製訂一些新的服務計劃，使基督徒、穆斯林和猶太人共同參與。因此，我們歡迎阿卜杜拉國王倡導的宗教間對話和土耳其在文明聯盟(Alliance of Civilizations)中發揮的領導作用。在全世界各地，我們可以使宗教間對話發展成宗教間服務，通過各種連接各族人民的橋梁促使我們采取行動推進共同的人道精神──不論是在非洲抗擊瘧疾, 還是在自然災害後提供救援。   我要談的第六個問題是婦女的權利。   我知道在這個問題上存在著爭論，在座的各位就是例證。西方某些人認為一位婦女選擇遮蓋自己的頭髮即說明不那麼平等，我反對這種看法。但我確實認為剝奪婦女的教育權利就是剝奪了婦女的平等權利。婦女受到良好教育的國家有極大的可能實現繁榮，這種情況決非偶然。 我希望明確表示：婦女的平等權利絕不僅僅是伊斯蘭教的問題。在土耳其、巴基斯坦、孟加拉國和印度尼西亞，我們看到這些穆斯林人口佔多數的國家選舉了婦女領導人。與此同時，在美國社會生活的許多方面以及在世界上其他國家，爭取婦女平等的鬥爭仍在持續。   我深信，我們的女兒們也能像我們的兒子們一樣為社會作出很大貢獻。讓全人類—包括男人和女人—充分發揮其潛力將促進我們的共同繁榮。我並不認為，婦女為了獲得平等必須作出與男人相同的選擇，我尊重在生活中選擇承擔傳統角色的婦女。但是，這應當是她們自己的選擇。因此，美國願意與任何一個以穆斯林為主體的國家進行合作，支持提高女童識字率，並通過小型信貸幫助年輕婦女創業，實現自己的夢想。 我要談的最後一個問題是經濟發展和經濟機會。   我知道對許多人來說，全球化的景象充滿著矛盾。因特網和電視能傳播知識和信息，但同時也會展示露骨的性行為和肆無忌憚的暴力。貿易可以帶來新的財富和機會，但也會造成巨大的分化和社區的演變。在所有的國家──其中也包括美國──這種變化可以引起恐懼，擔心現代化會意味著我們失去對自己的經濟選擇、對政治，最重要的是對自身特徵的控制──那些我們摯愛的有關我們的社區、我們的家庭和我們的宗教信仰的方方面面。   但我知道，人類的進步不可阻擋。發展與傳統並不矛盾。日本和韓國等國家在保持自己特有文化的同時發展了經濟。在從吉隆坡到迪拜的穆斯林佔主體的國家內，也出現了同樣驚人的經濟進步。無論在古代還是現代，穆斯林社區都站在創新和教育的前列。   這一點十分重要，因為發展戰略絕不能僅僅建立在地下資源的基礎之上，在年輕人失業的情況下，發展也不可能持續。很多海灣國家因豐富的石油資源而享有富足的生活，其中有些國家已開始專注於更廣泛的發展。但是，我們大家都必須認識到，教育和創新將成為21世紀的資本，而太多穆斯林社區對這些領域投資不足。我正在我的國家強調這一點。過去，美國特別重視這一地區的石油和天然氣資源，如今，我們將尋求更廣泛的接觸。   在教育領域，我們將擴大交流項目，增加獎學金，就像我父親，當年就是靠獎學金有機會去美國的。與此同時，我們將鼓勵更多的美國人到穆斯林地區學習。我們將安排有前途的穆斯林學生到美國實習，為世界各地的教師與兒童投資發展在線教學，創造新的在線網絡，讓堪薩斯的青少年能夠即時與開羅的青少年進行網上溝通。   談到經濟發展，我們將建立新的商務志願隊，與穆斯林為主體的國家中的同行結成夥伴。我將在今年主持一次創業峰會( Summit on Entrepreneurship)，以確定我們如何能夠深化美國與全世界穆斯林社區中的工商領導人、基金會及社會企業家之間的關係。   在科學技術領域，我們將發起一項新的基金以支持穆斯林為主體的國家中的技術發展，幫助將創意投入市場，以創造更多就業機會。我們將在非洲、中東及東南亞地區開設促進科學事業中心，並任命新的科學事務特使，就有關計劃進行合作，以開發新型能源、創造有利環保的工作機會、使檔案數字化、使水資源潔淨化，並種植新型作物。今天我宣佈與伊斯蘭會議組織(Organization of the Islamic Conference)的一項新合作，旨在根除小兒麻痹症。我們還將謀求擴大與穆斯林社區的合作關係，以促進兒童和婦女健康。   所有這一切必須通過合作關係來實現。美國人已準備與各國政府及公民、社區組織、宗教領袖及穆斯林社區的公司企業攜手努力，幫助人們追求更好的生活。   我所談到的這些問題並不能輕易解決。然而，我們有責任攜手努力建設一個我們所追求的世界——一個極端主義分子不再威脅我們的人民、美國軍隊返回家園的世界；一個巴勒斯坦人和以色列人在各自國家中和平安全、核能僅用於和平目的世界；一個政府服務於人民、上天所有子民的權利都得到尊重的世界。這些是共同的利益。這是我們所追求的世界，但我們衹有攜手共進才能如願以償。   我知道有很多人──穆斯林和非穆斯林──懷疑我們是否能創造這個新的開端。有些人急於煽風點火製造隔閡，成為前進路上的絆腳石。有些人認為不值得付出這樣的努力──他們說我們注定要有分歧，文明的衝突在劫難逃。還有很多人衹是對變化是否真能發生疑慮重重。有太多的恐懼感，太多的不信任。但我們若甘於被過去束縛，就永遠無法前進。我特別要對各國各個信仰的年輕人說——你們，比任何人都有能力重建這個世界。   我們所有人都不過是這個世界的匆匆過客。問題在於，我們是把這段時間花在導致我們分裂的東西上，還是全心致力於一種努力──一種持久努力──以尋求共同之處，以我們爭取為子孫後代創造的未來為重，並尊重全人類的尊嚴。   發動戰爭比結束戰爭容易。責備他人比內省容易。看到分歧比找到共同點容易。不過，我們應選擇正確的道路，而不衹是容易的道路。這正是信仰給我們指明的方向。所有宗教都有同一個核心原則──已所不欲，勿施於人。這條真理超越國家與民族──這一信念不是新出現的；不是黑色的、白色的或棕色的；也不代表基督教、伊斯蘭教或猶太教。這種信仰孕育於文明的搖籃，至今跳動在億萬民眾的心間。它是對他人的信任，它是促使我今天來到這裏的原因。 我們有能力把世界變成我們所希望的那樣，但前提是我們必須勇於開創新的開端，同時謹記經文的訓導。   《古蘭經》告訴我們：「人類！我們創造了你男人和一個女人；我們讓你們成為國家和部落以便彼此相識。」 《塔木德經》(Talmud)告訴我們：「全部《托拉》(Torah)都是為倡導和平。」 《聖經》（Holy Bible）告訴我們：「使人和睦的人有福了，因為他們必稱為神的兒子。」 世界人民能夠和平共處。我們知道這是主的旨意。現在，這必須是我們在地球上的使命。   謝謝你們，願主賜予各位平安。非常感謝你們。謝謝你們。 （完）   當地時間下午2時05分

頁: [1]

粵語協會's Archiver

Obama's Muslim Speech In Cairo (Full Text)

A BRIEF COMMENT